National security which is the main concern of any country is a multilateral situation that makes it difficult to fulfill. Besides the complexity of the concept of security, the threat of the national security of the countries has also different dimensions. The geopolitics of the countries around I.R. Iran had always a significant impact on Iran’s national security.United States’ presence in Iraq during recent decade has affected Iran’s national security and the continuation of this presence - which by signing strategic Agreement between two countries in 2012, as well as security Agreement will get a formal phase - can cause different security situations around Iran that can lead to the increased "danger and threat" to the Islamic Republic of Iran. So, besides examining the strategic Agreement of the United States and Afghanistan in this paper, it has been tried to investigate and evaluate its impact on I.R. Iran’s national security.

The 20-Year Comprehensive Strategic Cooperation Agreement between Iran and Russia, signed during the official visit of Dr. Masoud Pezeshkian, the President of Iran, to Moscow on 17 January 2025 in a meeting with Vladimir Putin, the President of Russia, consists of a preamble and 47 articles. Compared to the 2001 Agreement, this Agreement appears far more comprehensive and detailed, encompassing nearly all political, economic, cultural, and even social dimensions of Tehran-Moscow relations. However, from a legal standpoint, this Agreement does not impose any binding obligations on either party—except in certain restrictive clauses—and merely outlines the framework, principles, and key areas of cooperation between Iran and Russia. One of the primary motivations behind the signing of this 20-year comprehensive strategic cooperation Agreement was to maintain an independent and long-term relationship between Iran and Russia, regardless of their interactions or confrontations with the Western world. Additionally, the Agreement’s emphasis on respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity holds particular significance due to the Russian Federation’s supportive stance toward the United Arab Emirates’ territorial claims over the three islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb, and Abu Musa. Moreover, the absence of a mutual military assistance clause in the event of an armed attack or military aggression—as stipulated in Article 3, Clause 3 of the Agreement—distinguishes it from Russia’s strategic Agreements with countries like Belarus and North Korea. This provision is crucial in safeguarding Iran from being drawn into Russia’s military conflicts with other nations, including Ukraine, thereby aligning with Iran’s national security and interests. The timing of the signing of this comprehensive strategic cooperation Agreement nearly coincides with the implementation of the Iran-Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) Free Trade Agreement, which takes effect on 15 May 2025. In this context, Iran’s membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and BRICS will complement the Iran-EAEU Free Trade Agreement, further advancing the objectives outlined in the Iran-Russia Comprehensive Strategic Cooperation Agreement.

Participatory diplomacy appeared in China's diplomacy after the Cold War and has become the main tool of this country's foreign policy to improve its position in the international arena and a symbolic indicator of bilateral and non-lateral relations with governments and international and regional organizations. It is after the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA and the tightening of Western sanctions against Tehran, China adopted a new chapter in "Partnership Diplomacy" and defined its relations with Iran at all levels, bilateral and multilateral. With the signing of the famous memorandum of understanding and the comprehensive cooperation program between the two countries, which continues for 25 years, the scope of economic cooperation between the two countries expanded in the regional and international arenas. The question raised in the current research is: What effect does the 25-year Agreement between Iran and China have on the JCPOA nuclear Agreement? In order to answer this question in the framework of Partnership diplomacy and with a descriptive-analytical method, this hypothesis is evaluated that: the expansion of cooperation between Iran and China will increase China's activism in the implementation of the JCPOA and its efforts to return America to the JCPOA and the adherence of other parties. Will agree to this, and with this action, the ground will be provided to secure the economic-political interests of these two effective regional and international actors. The method of data collection is through library and internet sources.

The method of profit and loss sharing in the civil Partnership Agreement is one of the existing challenges of the banking system. Article 11 of the civil Partnership Agreement of the Central Bank denotes that, the partner is obliged to pay the expressed interest even if it is not realized. Using a content analysis method, this paper analyzes the relevant jurisprudential views to determine the requirements of the Partnership Agreement. Many jurists believe that this type of profit and loss sharing is faced with jurisprudential problems, including opposition to the requirements of the contract. Another group of researchers believe that this type of Agreement changes the nature of the civil Partnership Agreement and deprives the traders to the actual uses of the contract,whether stipulated in a Partnership Agreement or in an independent Agreement,since the conventional wisdom or received opinion of real participation in profits and losses is a prerequisite for a company contract. In their view, since this effect is the result of the creation of a contract, its removal by an implicit condition or a necessary external contract makes it void and useless.

With the growing isolation of Iran in the international system caused in part by Trump's campaign of maximum pressure, Iranian policymakers are increasingly drawn to China, which could significantly change the structure of the Middle East regional order in the long run. Recent Agreements and Partnerships between the two countries— reflected in the One Belt-One Road (OBOR) Initiative as well as the draft 25-year Comprehensive Strategic Partnership— will pave the way for the long-term strategic cooperation between the two countries. Hence, Sino-Iranian relations are constantly evolving in the fields of geopolitics, economics, and diplomacy. Despite a steady strategic relationship, Beijing has carefully controlled the degree of its growing bilateral relations with Iran in an effort to balance its other interests in the region. While Tehran calls the new 25-year cooperation Agreement as a turning point in China-Iran relations, Beijing has shown a more balanced interpretation of the importance of this document. China does not seek to destabilize and escalate tensions in the Middle East, but it has undermined the effectiveness of important US policies such as imposing anti-Iran economic sanctions by increasing its cooperation with Iran which exposes the weakening of the United States’ influence in the region. However, China's determination to increase its involvement in the Middle East puts a limit on its interactions with Iran. In fact, the deepening of China's diplomatic, economic, and military ties with Iran’s regional rivals (e.g., Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) has forced Beijing to strike a balance between its relations with Iran and its ties with the other key regional powers. The rivalry between neighbors and the growing Great-power competition in the region can significantly undermine Iran-China bilateral relations. In particular, China has adopted a non-confrontational  approach to engage with Iran in a measured and controlled manner with the purpose of not jeopardizing its relations with the key regional players (i.e., the United States, Israel, and the Arab world).As a great power, China does not want to endanger its national interests for the sake of a medium power, and tries to manage its ties with Iran on the basis of a cost-benefit analysis of its engagement with this Middle Eastern power in light of its grand strategy and the multiplicity of its broader foreign policy objectives. In addition, Iranian public opinion on the multidimensional cooperation with China and the sensitivities of regional actors will influence the future of Iran-China relations. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran is eager to take advantage of Chinese trade and investment, but the policymakers are also wary of their over-reliance on China. It is true that both countries are dissatisfied with some of the rules governing the international system, and thus their policies can be examined to some extent according to the approaches of the revisionist governments which are opposed to the US dominance and hegemony. Although both countries do not like the existing international power distribution, but they have different worldviews. China is looking for a new world order, a new political and financial structure, a new way of managing and controlling everything on a global scale. China's growing role in almost all international institutions is seen as an indication of the rise of China. Hence, Beijing has based its foreign policy on maintaining stability with the assumption that its rise cannot be guaranteed by the collapse of the present international system and the formation of a completely different system.In this study, the authors seek to answer the following research questions: 1. Has the strategic Partnership between Iran and China been formed in a manner conforming with the structure of the existing international order? 2. What will be the future of Iran-China Relations? Using a descriptive-analytical approach and with the aim of explaining the historical trend and transformation processes in confrontation with the U.S., the influencing pattern of the relevant variables in the strategic Iran-China relations in the post-September international environment will be analyzed. The following hypothesis will be tested: Economic and political factors which have contributed to the formation of the strategic Partnership between China and Iran have also a determining role in the limitation and complexity of the future strategic relations of these two revisionist countries. The most important findings of this research is that the increasing convergence between Iran and China is in response to the increasing pressure of the United States at the international level. The  25-Year Comprehensive Agreement as well as official statements by the policymakers involved indicate the desire of both parties for greater coordination.

Always there has been this question in the minds of experts that whether the Partnership securities (ourä ghe moshä rekat) have been able to substitute debentures in the market properly? Present legal analysis shows that Partnership securities as a substitution for debentures are needed for the market. But despite fundamental differences between stocks and debentures, Partnership securities are a compound of stocks and debentures. They have both the advantages of stocks and debentures without getting suffered from disadvantages of each of them. In addition, legal questions on management of the subject project of these securities as well as responsibility out of these securities for its holder has not been considered by the legislature. The mechanism considered for Partnership securities although approved from the Islamic jurisprudential (fiqhi) view contains faults from the legal economy view. Therefore, such securities practically in the market, within the private sector, have not been acceptable so have not been accepted or used. As a result, Partnership securities could not substitute debentures perfectly.

In recent decades Sino-Afghan relations have been based on Beijing's approach to regional and international developments. The elimination of American troops from Afghanistan and the seizure of Kabul by the Taliban changed China's approach to Afghanistan from different perspectives. The US withdrawal will change the balance of power in Afghanistan and its environs. China's approach to Afghanistan has always been based on security considerations, and now economic considerations have been added to it. China's economic project in Pakistan and Central Asia, along with fears of links between extremist groups in Afghanistan and neighboring Uighurs, is one of China's top security concerns. The Taliban's presence in power and the US withdrawal from Afghanistan have changed the pattern of relations from expected indifference to strategic Partnership. Components such as environmental uncertainty and strategic compliance paved the way for China to adopt this model. In this context, the present study will examine why China's approach to Afghanistan changes from expected indifference to strategic Partnership and will try to provide a clear picture of developments by mentioning China's role in Afghanistan.Examining China-Afghanistan relations in the past decades proves that China's distance and proximity to Afghanistan depended on China's internal restrictions, regional and international developments, China's competition with other actors and dealing with extremist threats. In this regard, we can mention China's secret assistance to arm the Mujahedeen in 1980 during the seizure of Afghanistan by the Soviet forces . Therefore, the statement of relations based on the assessment of the needs of two actors has no place for Arabs here. The official relations between China and Afghanistan began in the 1950s with the recognition of China by Afghanistan. China's approach to Afghanistan has always been economic with an emphasis on security considerations. In the past decades, security considerations have always been the first priority in the eyes of the Chinese authorities towards Afghanistan, which include the seizure of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, the civil war in Afghanistan, the dominance of the Taliban and finally the presence of American forces. As a great power that is consolidating its hegemony in its surrounding environment, China definitely evaluates every impulse and the presence of competing actors in the region from the perspective of its competition with that actor. The presence of the Soviet Union and the United States in Afghanistan in the past decades can be examined from this point of view.In this regard, we can mention China's cooperation and lack of cooperation with the United States in Afghanistan. In the 1980s and with the attack of the Soviet forces on Afghanistan, China stood by the United States and against the Soviet Union, and after the attack of the Western coalition led by the United States on Afghanistan in September 2001, it refused military and security cooperation with these forces and distanced itself from the efforts of foreign actors presented in Afghanistan. For political reconciliation and reconstruction, Afghanistan kept as far away as possible and avoided accepting the title of the West's partner in the reconstruction of Afghanistan (Huasheng, 2012), while the coalition forces were fighting the Taliban threatening China's strategic interests, Beijing exploration projects  began monitoring Afghanistan's underground resources, and this action faced serious criticism from the United States and even Russia .The withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan has serious consequences on regional equations in South and Central Asia; Therefore, all regional actors are trying to closely monitor the developments and present multiple scenarios to minimize possible security and political costs. Any change in the arrangement of forces in Afghanistan definitely affects the current and future interests and goals of regional actors. China, as a neighboring country of Afghanistan and one of the most important players in the economic war with America, is definitely closely monitoring the developments in Afghanistan. From China's point of view, everything that provides the ground for terrorism and international extremism on the edge of its territorial borders and around its economic super project will be specially monitored. From this point of view, the developments in Afghanistan have both components.Despite Beijing's previous approaches to the developments in Afghanistan, the withdrawal of American forces from this country has caused China to worry due to the change in the nature of threats. Since 2016, with increasing speculations about the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan and the creation of a security evacuation in this country, Beijing, like other neighboring countries of Afghanistan, initiated the project of securing its border lines with Afghanistan . China has detailed plans for Afghanistan without foreign military forces for several reasons: 1. Afghanistan is one of the focal points in the One Belt One Road project; 2. There are religious extremists on both sides of the border lines between Afghanistan and China, and China is worried about the connection between the Uyghurs with ISIS and the Taliban in Afghanistan; 3. To expand its political influence in the region, China should expand its influence to the remaining regions such as Afghanistan and advance its security and political goals through an economic lens; 4. Beijing expects American material and moral support for Chinese Muslim protesters in the west of this country, and from this point of view, the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan despite the ongoing crisis in this country has aroused China's suspicion.As mentioned, China, as one of Afghanistan's neighboring countries, has chosen a "wait and wait" approach to Afghanistan's developments in the last twenty years; But since 2016, with the withdrawal of American forces, China has changed its policy of conscious and considered indifference towards Afghanistan and put a cooperative and step-by-step approach on the agenda. Strategic Partnership is a new model of relations between governments that has entered international relations literature from the beginning of the 21st century. Based on the changing pattern of China's cooperation with Afghanistan, the current research tries to present a picture of the actions of foreign actors in the neighboring environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in order to provide the basis for other researches in this field. Therefore, in this research, by introducing the model of strategic Partnership and explaining it, it will deal with the application of two economic and political components separately on the two variables of China's attitude and actions towards Afghanistan, and finally, the conclusion section and providing strategic recommendations for Iranian policy makers.

In 1399, a document was signed between Iran and China, which is known in public literature as the 25-year Iran-China Agreement, and organized cooperation between the two countries for a period of 25 years in various fields including "political", "executive", "humanitarian and cultural", "judicial”, , “, security”,and “, defense", "regional”,and international". This study seeks to answer the question of how the 25-year Iran-China Agreement can be evaluated in the light of China's foreign policy developments. The hypothesis of the present study, which was examined by descriptive-analytic method, was that with the end of the Cold War, the foreign policy of China orientations changed from "non-alignment" to "Partnership Agreement" and the 25-year Iran-China Agreement can be evaluated in this Approach. Addressing this issue is important in terms of examining the 25-year Iran-China Agreement from a Chinese foreign policy perspective. This study will show how the Chinese implement their strategies in the form of a coordinated and planned policy. Experimental findings showed that since 1993, the number of Chinese partners in the form of a Partnership Agreement has been on the rise, with Beijing now partnering with more than 78 countries. It means that participatory diplomacy has become an important tool in China's foreign policy in recent years. Of course, the pattern of strategic Partnership of China varies from country to country, depending on its position in the foreign policy of this country. Theoretical findings of this study also showed that the orientation of the foreign policy of this country is not fixed and changes in different conditions under the influence of the requirements of national interests.

Iran and China, two countries that are involved in structural conflicts with the international system, in a process based on convergence, have signed an Agreement called "Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement", which is basically aimed at geo-economic goals. This cooperation document can bring opportunities for Iran's economic diplomacy, and its implementation will be accompanied by challenges simultaneously. The main question of this is what opportunities and challenges does the comprehensive strategic Partnership Agreement bring to strengthen Iran's economic diplomacy? The hypothesis is that this Agreement includes economic opportunities for Iran in the fields of facilitating communication and information infrastructure, expanding trade and investment, financial and banking cooperation, participating in the Belt and Road Initiative and reducing sanctions pressure. However, challenges such as different approaches and expectations from the Agreement, inconsistency between the two countries in the theoretical and practical areas of policymaking, different business structures, sanctioning of the financial and banking convergence of the two countries, and the lack of Iranian economic and commercial diplomats are hindering Iran's economic diplomacy. The aim of the article is to identify and analyze the points of convergence and divergence between the economic diplomacy of Iran and China according to the 25-year Agreement. Achieving this goal is pursued based on the descriptive-analytical method and relying on the conceptual and theoretical frameworks of economic diplomacy. The result indicates that despite the openings for Iran's economic diplomacy in the light of the strategic Agreement, it is also overshadowed by the challenges of influence. The most important challenge among these challenges is the heavy shadow of sanctions, which severely limits Iran's maneuverability in benefiting from the economic benefits of this Agreement.